In a week dominated by loud claims, rebukes, and an unusually high-profile lunch at the White House, Britain’s more understated move in South Asia might easily be missed. But it shouldn’t be. As US President Donald Trump repeatedly declares that he “stopped the war between Pakistan and India,” and hosted Pakistan’s army chief Asim Munir without any civilian officials, a first for any American president, London’s earlier intervention offers a contrasting study in diplomacy.
David Lammy, Britain’s Foreign Secretary and a senior figure in Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s cabinet, had already been to Islamabad by then. His visit on May 16, before General Munir’s White House appearance and Trump’s recurring claims, marked the first by a British Foreign Secretary to Pakistan since 2021. Lammy’s presence reflected a conventional, rules-based diplomatic style that Britain has historically deployed in the region, particularly in contrast to the personalised and improvisational tone that has come to define Trump-era engagement.
According to the official British statement issued that day, “The UK Government welcomed the sustained ceasefire between Pakistan and India, both important partners to the UK,” with Lammy “asserting the importance of continued stability for the region” during his meetings in Pakistan. In positioning itself as a supporter of calm rather than a claimant of credit, the UK signalled that it views the ceasefire not simply as a matter of subcontinental concern, but as a moment with wider implications.
In Islamabad last month, Lammy met Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and senior officials. While the formal agenda focused on peace and regional stability, there was a clear recognition of the diasporic dimension. The Foreign Secretary highlighted “the immeasurable contribution people of Pakistani descent have made to British life” and acknowledged how distressing the preceding weeks had been for families in both South Asia and the UK.
“The images of conflict between India and Pakistan were distressing for all of us in Britain: but in particular the millions of Brits with Indian and Pakistani heritage, and the many British nationals living in both of these countries,” Lammy said. “Ever since the horrendous terrorist attack in Pahalgam, the UK has done all it can to play a supportive role to reduce tensions, get to a ceasefire and condemn terrorism.”
The statement carefully avoided overreach. Lammy praised both sides for their role in securing the ceasefire, while underscoring the UK’s interest in ensuring the calm holds. “Because of the deep and historic links between our populations and our governments, we are determined to play our part to counter terrorism and ensure this fragile ceasefire becomes a durable peace.”
Lammy’s South Asia outreach was not limited to Pakistan. A day before his Islamabad visit, he had spoken with his Indian counterpart. A formal visit to New Delhi followed on June 7, where he met Prime Minister Narendra Modi, External Affairs Minister Dr S Jaishankar, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, and Commerce Minister Piyush Goyal.
The Indian Ministry of External Affairs made no reference to the ceasefire in its summary of that visit. Instead, it foregrounded the “strategic milestone” of the recently concluded India-UK Free Trade Agreement and the Double Contribution Convention. India’s focus was firmly on forward momentum — trade, technology, and clean energy — with the launch of the Strategic Exports and Technology Cooperation Dialogue presented as a key development.
Still, security concerns were acknowledged, albeit through restrained phrasing. “EAM conveyed India’s appreciation for the UK government’s expression of solidarity and support to India in the fight against terrorism,” the MEA said. That line aligned with earlier discussions in London, where an Indian all-party parliamentary delegation had briefed British ministers and parliamentarians on Operation Sindoor.
Lammy’s visit to Islamabad looked neither reactionary nor ceremonial. It formed part of a broader diplomatic rhythm that prioritises steady engagement over the Trump-style overt intervention. The contrast in tone between his two South Asian stops was notable. In Pakistan, the UK’s language was careful and community-conscious. In India, the focus shifted to strategic convergence and long-term cooperation. Together, the two visits sketched a dual-track approach — quiet reassurance in one capital, high-level consolidation in another.
The timing of Lammy’s outreach, coming before India’s rejection of a US-brokered mediation and General Munir’s unprecedented welcome at the White House, positions the UK differently. Britain is neither inserting itself noisily nor withdrawing entirely. Instead, it appears to be quietly evaluating the parameters of renewed relevance in South Asia.
China’s growing footprint in the region adds a consequential layer. With the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and the deepening Beijing-Islamabad defence dialogue, South Asia has become a focal point of growing global attention.
From London’s perspective, a stable India-Pakistan front is not only a contribution to regional calm, it is also apparently viewed as a buffer against further strategic ground being ceded to Beijing.
In essence, Trump’s approach may have disrupted norms, but Britain’s quieter response reflects an understanding that influence now lies in timely re-engagement and, more importantly, in the intent to renew its footing — not presume it.
(The writer is a career journalist currently serving as Communications and Advocacy Director at UNITED SIKHS (UK), a charity registered in England and Wales.)
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